【考研类试卷】考研英语(一)-37及答案解析.doc

1、考研英语(一)-37 及答案解析(总分：100.00，做题时间：90 分钟)一、Reading Comprehensio(总题数：0，分数：0.00)二、Directions:(总题数：4，分数：100.00)Canada“s premiers (the leaders of provincial governments), if they have any breath left after complaining about Ottawa at their late July annual meeting, might spare a moment to do something, tog

2、ether, to reduce health-care costs. They“re all groaning about soaring health budgets, the fastest-growing component of which are pharmaceutical costs. 1 . What to do? Both the Romanow commission and the Kirby committee on health careto say nothing of reports from other expertsrecommended the creati

3、on of a national drug agency. Instead of each province having its own list of approved drugs, bureaucracy, procedures and limited bargaining power, all would pool resources, work with Ottawa, and create a national institution. 2 . But “national“ doesn“t have to mean that “National“ could mean interp

4、rovincialprovinces combining efforts to create one body. Either way, one benefit of a “national“ organization would be to negotiate better prices, if possible, with drug manufacturers. Instead of having one provinceor a series of hospitals within a provincenegotiate a price for a given drug on the p

5、rovincial list, the national agency would negotiate on behalf of all provinces. Rather than, say, Quebec, negotiating on behalf of seven million people, the national agency would negotiate on behalf of 31 million people. Basic economics suggests the greater the potential consumers, the higher the li

6、kelihood of a better price. 3 . A small step has been taken in the direction of a national agency with the creation of the Canadian Coordinating Office for Health Technology Assessment, funded by Ottawa and the provinces. Under it, a Common Drug Review recommends to provincial lists which new drugs

7、should be included. Predictably, and regrettably, Quebec refused to join. A few premiers are suspicious of any federal-provincial deal-making. They (particularly Quebec and Alberta) just want Ottawa to fork over additional billions with few, if any, strings attached. That“s one reason why the idea o

8、f a national list hasn“t gone anywhere, while drug costs keep rising fast. 4 . Premiers love to quote Mr. Romanow“s report selectively, especially the parts about more federal money. Perhaps they should read what he had to say about drugs: “A national drug agency would provide governments more influ

9、ence on pharmaceutical companies in order to try to constrain the ever-increasing cost of drugs.“ 5 . So when the premiers gather in Niagara Falls to assemble their usual complaint list, they should also get cracking about something in their jurisdiction that would help their budgets and patients. A

10、. Quebec“s resistance to a national agency is provincialist ideology. One of the first advocates for a national list was a researcher at Laval University. Quebec“s Drug Insurance Fund has seen its costs skyrocket with annual increases from 14.3 percent to 26.8 percent! B. Or they could read Mr. Kirb

11、y“s report: “the substantial buying power of such an agency would strengthen the public prescription-drug insurance plans to negotiate the lowest possible purchase prices from drug companies.“ C. What does “national“ mean? Roy Romanow and Senator Michael Kirby recommended a federal-provincial body m

12、uch like the recently created National Health Council. D. The problem is simple and stark: health-care costs have been, are, and will continue to increase faster than government revenues. E. According to the Canadian Institute for Health Information, prescription drug costs have risen since 1997 at

13、twice the rate of overall health-care spending. Part of the increase comes from drugs being used to replace other kinds of treatments. Part of it arises from new drugs costing more than older kinds. Part of it is higher prices. F. So, if the provinces want to run the health-care show, they should pr

14、ove they can run it, starting with an interprovincial health list that would end duplication, save administrative costs, prevent one province from being played off against another, and bargain for better drug prices. G. Of course, the pharmaceutical companies will scream. They like divided buyers; t

15、hey can lobby better that way. They can use the threat of removing jobs from one province to another. They can hope that, if one province includes a drug on its list, the pressure will cause others to include it on theirs. They wouldn“t like a national agency, but self-interest would lead them to de

16、al with it.（分数：25.00）On the north bank of the Ohio river sits Evansville, Ind., home of David Williams, 52, and of a riverboat casino (a place where gambling games are played). During several years of gambling in that casino, Williams, a state auditor earning $35,000 a year, lost approximately $175,

17、000. He had never gambled before the casino sent him a coupon for $20 worth of gambling. He visited the casino, lost the $20 and left. On his second visit he lost $800. The casino issued to him, as a good customer, a “Fun Card“, which when used in the casino earns points for meals and drinks, and en

18、ables the casino to track the user“s gambling activities. For Williams, those activities become what he calls “electronic heroin“. 6 . In 1997 he lost $21,000 to one slot machine in two days. In March 1997 he lost $72,186. He sometimes played two slot machines at a time, all night, until the boat do

19、cked at 5 a.m., then went back aboard when the casino opened at 9 a.m Now he is suing the casino, charging that it should have refused his patronage because it knew he was addicted. It did know he had a problem. In March 1998 a friend of Williams“s got him involuntarily confined to a treatment cente

20、r for addictions, and wrote to inform the casino of Williams“s gambling problem. The casino included a photo of Williams among those of banned gamblers, and wrote to him a “cease admissions“ letter. Noting the “medical/psychological“ nature of problem gambling behavior, the letter said that before b

21、eing readmitted to the casino he would have to present medical/psychological information demonstrating that patronizing the casino would pose no threat to his safety or well-being. 7 . The Wall Street Journal reports that the casino has 24 signs warning: “Enjoy the fun.and always bet with your head,

22、 not over it.“ Every entrance ticket lists a toll-free number for counseling from the Indiana Department of Mental Health. Nevertheless, Williams“s suit charges that the casino, knowing he was “helplessly addicted to gambling,“ intentionally worked to “lure“ him to “engage in conduct against his wil

23、l.“ Well. 8 . The fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders says “pathological gambling“ involves persistent, recurring and uncontrollable pursuit less of money than of the thrill of taking risks in quest of a windfall. 9 . Pushed by science, or what claims to be sc

24、ience, society is reclassifying what once were considered character flaws or moral failings as personality disorders akin to physical disabilities. 10 . Forty-four states have lotteries, 29 have casinos, and most of these states are to varying degrees dependent onyou might say addicted torevenues fr

25、om wagering. And since the first Internet gambling site was created in 1995, competition for gamblers“ dollars has become intense. The Oct. 28 issue of Newsweek reported that 2 million gamblers patronize 1,800 virtual casinos every week. With $3.5 billion being lost on Internet wagers this year, gam

26、bling has passed pornography as the Web“s most profitable business. A. Although no such evidence was presented, the casino“s marketing department continued to pepper him with mailings. And he entered the casino and used his Fun Card without being detected. B. It is unclear what luring was required,

27、given his compulsive behavior. And in what sense was his will operative? C. By the time he had lost $5,000 he said to himself that if he could get back to even, he would quit. One night he won $5,500, but he did not quit. D. Gambling has been a common feature of American life forever, but for a long

28、 time it was broadly considered a sin, or a social disease. Now it is a social policy: the most important and aggressive promoter of gambling in America is the government. E. David Williams“s suit should trouble this gambling nation. But don“t bet on it. F. It is worrisome that society is medicalizi

29、ng more and more behavioral problems, often defining as addictions what earlier, sterner generations explained as weakness of will. G. The anonymous, lonely, undistracted nature of online gambling is especially conducive to compulsive behavior. But even if the government knew how to move against Int

30、ernet gambling, what would be its grounds for doing so?（分数：25.00）How does your reading proceed? Clearly you try to comprehend, in the sense of identifying meanings for individual words and working out relationships between them, drawing on your implicit knowledge of English grammar. 11 You begin to

31、infer a context for the text, for instance, by making decisions about what kind of speech event is involved. Who is making the utterance, to whom, when and where. The ways of reading indicated here are without doubt kinds of comprehension. But they show comprehension to consist not just of passive a

32、ssimilation but of active engagement in inference and problem-solving. You infer information you feel the writer has invited you to grasp by presenting you with specific evidence and clues. 12 Conceived in this way, comprehension will not follow exactly the same track for each reader. What is in que

33、stion is not the retrieval of an absolute, fixed or “tree“ meaning that can be read off and checked for accuracy, or some timeless relation of the text to the world. 13 Such background material inevitably reflects who we are. 14 This doesn“t, however, make interpretation merely relative or even poin

34、tless. Precisely because readers from different historical periods, places and social experiences produce different but overlapping readings of the same words on the pageincluding for texts that engage with fundamental human concernsdebates about texts can play an important role in social discussion

35、 of beliefs and values. How we read a given text also depends to some extent on our particular interest in reading it. 15 Such dimensions of reading suggestas others introduced later in the book will also dothat we bring an implicit (often unacknowledged) agenda to any act of reading. It doesn“t the

36、n necessarily follow that one kind of reading is fuller, more advanced or more worth-while than another. Ideally, different kinds of reading inform each other, and act as useful reference points for and counterbalances to one another. Together, they make up the reading component of your overall lite

37、racy, or relationship to your surrounding textual environment. A. Are we studying that text and trying to respond in a way that fulfils the requirement of a given course? Reading it simply for pleasure? Skimming it for information? Ways of reading on a train or in bed are likely to differ considerab

38、ly from reading in a seminar room. B. Factors such as the place and period in which we are reading, our gender, ethnicity, age and social class will encourage us towards certain interpretations but at the same time obscure or even close off others. C. If you are unfamiliar with words or idioms, you

39、guess at their meaning, using clues presented in the context. On the assumption that they will become relevant later, you make a mental note of discourse entities as well as possible links between them. D. In effect, you try to reconstruct the likely meanings or effects that any given sentence, imag

40、e or reference might have had: These might be the ones the author intended. E. You make further inferences, for instance, about how the text may be significant to you, or about its validityinferences that form the basis of a personal response for which the author will inevitably be far less responsi

41、ble. F. In plays, novels and narrative poems, characters speak as constructs created by the author, not necessarily as mouthpieces for the author“s own thoughts. G. Rather, we ascribe meanings to texts on the basis of interaction between what we might call textual and contextual material: between ki

42、nds of organization or patterning we perceive in a text“s formal structures (so especially its language structures) and various kinds of back-ground, social knowledge, belief and attitude that we bring to the text.（分数：25.00）Coinciding with the groundbreaking theory of biological evolution proposed b

43、y British naturalist Charles Darwin in the 1860s, British social philosopher Herbert Spencer put forward his own theory of biological and cultural evolution. Spencer argued that all worldly phenomena, including human societies, changed over time, advancing toward perfection. 16 American social scien

44、tist Lewis Henry Morgan introduced another theory of cultural evolution in the late 1800s. Morgan helped found modern anthropologythe scientific study of human societies, customs and beliefsthus becoming one of the earliest anthropologists. In his work, he attempted to show how all aspects of cultur

45、e changed together in the evolution of societies. 17 . In the early 1900s in North America, German-born American anthropologist Franz Boas developed a new theory of culture known as Historical particularism, which emphasized the uniqueness of all cultures, gave new direction to anthropology. 18 . Bo

46、as felt that the culture of any society must be understood as the result of a unique history and not as one of many cultures belonging to a broader evolutionary stage or type of culture. 19 . Historical particularism became a dominant approach to the study of culture in American anthropology, largel

47、y through the influence of many students of Boas. But a number of anthropologists in the early 1900s also rejected the particularist theory of culture in favor of diffusionism. Some attributed virtually every important cultural achievement to the inventions of a few, especially gifted peoples that,

48、according to diffusionists, then spread to other cultures. 20 . Also in the early 1900s, French sociologist mile Durkheim developed a theory of culture that would greatly influence anthropology. Durkheim proposed that religious beliefs functioned to reinforce social solidarity. An interest in the re

49、lationship between the function of society and culture became a major theme in European, and especially British, anthropology. A. Other anthropologists believed that cultural innovations, such as inventions, had a single origin and passed from society to society. This theory was known as diffusionism. B. In order to study particular cultures as completely as possible, he became skilled in linguistics, the study of languages, and in physical anthropology, the study of human biology and anatomy. C. He argued that human evolution was characterized by a struggle he called the “surv