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本文([考研类试卷]考研英语(一)模拟试卷24及答案与解析.doc)为本站会员(medalangle361)主动上传,麦多课文库仅提供信息存储空间,仅对用户上传内容的表现方式做保护处理,对上载内容本身不做任何修改或编辑。 若此文所含内容侵犯了您的版权或隐私,请立即通知麦多课文库(发送邮件至master@mydoc123.com或直接QQ联系客服),我们立即给予删除!

[考研类试卷]考研英语(一)模拟试卷24及答案与解析.doc

1、考研英语(一)模拟试卷 24 及答案与解析一、Section I Use of EnglishDirections: Read the following text. Choose the best word(s) for each numbered blank and mark A, B, C or D. (10 points) 0 Throughout the 19th century and into the 20th, citizens of the United States maintained a bias against big cities. Most lived on fa

2、rms and in small towns and believed cities to be centers of 1 , crime, poverty and moral 2 Their distrust was caused, 3 , by a national ideology that 4 fanning the greatest occupation and rural living 5 to urban living. This attitude 6 even as the number of urban dwellers increased and cities became

3、 an essential 7 of the national landscape. Gradually, economic reality overcame ideology. Thousands 8 the precarious (不稳定的) life on the farm for more secure and better paying jobs in the city. But when these people 9 from the countryside , they carried their fears and suspicions with them. These new

4、 urbanities already convinced that cities were 10 with great problems; eagerly 11 the progressive reforms that promised to bring order out of the 12 of the city.One of many reforms came 13 the area of public utilities. Water and sewerage systems were u-sually operated by 14 governments, but the gas

5、and electric networks were privately owned. Reformers feared that the privately owned utility companies would 15 exorbitant (过度的 ) rates for these essential services and 16 them only to people who could afford them. Some city and state governments responded by 17 the utility companies, but a number

6、of cities began to supply these services themselves. 18 of these reforms argued that public ownership and regulation would 19 widespread access to these utilities and guarantee a 20 price.(A)eruption(B) corruption(C) interruption(D)provocation(A)disgrace(B) deterioration(C) dishonor(D)degradation(A)

7、by origin(B) in part(C) at all(D)at random(A)proclaimed(B) exclaimed(C) claimed(D)reclaim(A)superb(B) super(C) exceptional(D)superior(A)predominated(B) dominated(C) commanded(D)prevailed(A)feature(B) peculiarity(C) quality(D)attribute(A)deserted(B) departed(C) abolished(D)abandoned(A)reallocated(B)

8、migrated(C) replaced(D)substituted(A)overwhelmed(B) overflowed(C) overtaken(D)preoccupied(A)embraced(B) adopted(C) hugged(D)contained(A)chaos(B) chores(C) chorus(D)outbreaks(A)at(B) by(C) out(D)in(A)public(B) municipal(C) republican(D)national(A)charge(B) take(C) cost(D)spend(A)distribute(B) deliver

9、(C) transfer(D)transport(A)degenerating(B) generating(C) regenerating(D)regulating(A)Proponents(B) Opponents(C) Sponsors(D)Rivals(A)secure(B) ensure(C) reassure(D)incur(A)fair(B) just(C) square(D)objectivePart ADirections: Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosi

10、ng A, B, C or D. (40 points)20 A field is simply a social system of relations between individuals or institutions who are competing for the same stake. An example of a field may be higher education, colleges, and universities. Habitus is a set of potential dispositions, an internalized set of taken-

11、for-granted rules that govern strategies, and social practices that individuals in some respects carry with them into any field. There is a system of unspoken rules and generally unspeakable rules. They are unspeakable because it is understood that it would be rude or socially punishable to try to t

12、alk about those rules. Or, in some cases individuals within a habitus cannot even articulate those arbitrary rules because they are unaware of them. That is, these rules may feel so natural and normalized that they seem as though they are the way things should be and always have been. An example of

13、an unspeakable rule might be that a person should never discuss class privilege, as opposed to hard work, as contributing to the success of an individual when talk-ing about the accomplishments of the middle class within a middle-class field. However, within a working-class field of manual laborers,

14、 this may not be a forbidden topic of discussion.Judith Butler outlined a feminist theory of embodied practice in identity formation. She stated that our sense of identities is formed through repeated daily and everyday constrained and emancipatory performative practices through our bodies. Through

15、the process of repeated performances, ways of being in the world become sedimented, that is layered and accumulated to the extent that these practices become a part of who we are and how we perceive ourselves to be in the world. Butlers insights about perfoma-tivity, the body, and identity are parti

16、cularly informative of working-class identity formations that are literally embodied within the physical capacity to do manual labor.Butlers notion of performative identity gives me insight into my own identity development and the discomforts and constraints I have felt within academia, where the mi

17、nd is privileged over the body in ways that almost obliterate the body. At the same time, the ideology of mind over body seems hypocritical when one examines the class distinctions made through the embedded middle-class practices, in short, the habitus, of the majority of university professors. Many

18、 first-generation college students in my the level of classism and racism that exists among faculty, whom they assumed to be educated and to value egalitarian principles. Many students express their frustration at not knowing the habitus of the middle class, yet feel its exclusionary, embodied power

19、. They express even more frustration that the middle class also seems unaware of its own unspoken rules and habitus. Though they can start a conversation about race, they dont know how to talk about class in a meaningful way, one that helps their fellow students to understand the naturalized class d

20、istinctions within our culture. Class is Americas dirty little secret.21 A habitus is different from a field in that it _.(A)is a more modern concept about social class(B) refers to the underlying rules in a social system(C) has a more ambiguous reference than a field(D)assumes a great significance

21、within social relations22 Some people arent even aware of the habitus because _.(A)they are socialized in it ever since their birth(B) they are not allowed to talk about it openly(C) it takes the most insightful mind to recognize it(D)it is only true of the working-class field23 According to Judith

22、Butler, our identity is shaped by_.(A)our family background(B) our physical capacity(C) the social discourse(D)routine performances24 In the academia people talk about class_.(A)as if there were no class distinction(B) only when speaking to poor students(C) when faculty members become victimized by

23、it(D)when dealing with mind-body relations25 The authors attitude toward Judith Butler s theory is one of_.(A)suspicion(B) contempt(C) consent(D)defense25 In a democratic society citizens are encouraged to form their own opinions on candidates for public office, taxes, constitutional amendments, env

24、ironmental concerns, foreign policy, and other issues. The opinions held by any population are shaped and manipulated by several factors; individual circumstances, the mass media, special-interest groups, and opinion leaders.Wealthy people tend to think differently on social issues from poor people.

25、 Factory workers probably do not share the same views as white-collar, nonunion workers. Women employed outside their homes sometimes have perspectives different from those of full-time homemakers. In these and other ways individual status shapes ones view of current events.The mass media, especiall

26、y television, are powerful influences on the way people think and act. Government officials note how mail from the public tends to “follow the headlines.“ Whatever in fea tured in newspapers and magazines and on television attracts enough attention that people begin to inform themselves and to expre

27、ss opinions.The mass media have also created larger audiences for government and a wider range of public issues than existed before. Prior to television and the national editions of newspapers, issues and candidates tended to remain localized. In Great Britain and West Germany, for example, election

28、s to the national legislatures were usually viewed by voters as local contests. Todays elections are seen as struggles between party leaders and programs. In the United States radio and television have been beneficial to the presidency. Since the days of Franklin D. Roosevelt and his “fireside chats

29、“ , presidents have appealed directly to a national audience over the heads of Congress to advocate their programs.Special-interest groups spend vast sums annually trying to influence public opinion. Public utilities, for instance, tried to sway public opinion in favor of nuclear power plants. Oppos

30、ed to them were citizens organizations that lobbied to halt the use of nuclear power. During the 1960s the American Medical Association conducted an unsuccessful advertising campaign designed to prevent the passage of Medicare.Opinion leaders are usually such prominent public figures as politicians,

31、 show-business personalities, and celebrity athletes. The opinions of these individuals, whether informed and intelligent or not, carry weight with some segments of the population. Some individuals, such as Nobel Prize winners, are suddenly thrust into public view by the media. By quickly reaching a

32、 large audience, their views gain a hearing and are perhaps influential in shaping views on complex issues. 26 The second paragraph is mainly about_.(A)the influence of gender on peoples view(B) the influence of peoples status on their view(C) the influence of living standard on peoples view(D)the i

33、nfluence of different ranks on peoples view27 The expression “follow the headlines“ shows_.(A)people seldom have time to read newspaper articles(B) people think the headlines contain the most important information(C) people often get their opinions from newspapers or television(D)most people look on

34、 newspapers or TV as misleading28 Which of the following is true according to the passage?(A)TV programs have a strong influence on governmental policy.(B) Chats on televisions are chief means for running for presidency.(C) More and more people show interest in politics because of TV.(D)Before the u

35、se of TV, people showed little interest in politics.29 It is obvious that the opinion of famous people_.(A)is often ignored by the public(B) is seldom expressed to the point(C) is often imposed on the public(D)has a strong influence on people30 The passage is mainly about_.(A)the forces that influen

36、ce peoples opinions(B) the freedom of speech in a democratic society(C) the necessity to uphold ones own opinion on an issue(D)the techniques of talking to a large audience via the mass media30 In a provocative new book The Beauty Bias Deborah Rhode, a Stanford law professor who proposes a legal reg

37、ime in which discrimination on the basis of looks is as serious as discrimination based on gender or race, lays out the case for an America in which appearance discrimination is no longer allowed.Rhode is at her most persuasive when arguing that in America, discrimination against unattractive women

38、and short men is as pernicious and widespread as bias based on race, sex, age, ethnicity, religion, and disability. Rhode cites research to prove her point; 11 percent of surveyed couples say they would abort a fetus predisposed toward obesity. College students tell surveyors theyd rather have a spo

39、use who is an embezzler, drug user, or a shoplifter than one who is obese. The less attractive you are in America, the more likely you are to receive a longer prison sentence, a lower damage award, a lower salary, and poorer performance reviews. You are less likely to be married and more likely to b

40、e poor.And all of this is compounded by a virtually unregulated beauty and diet industry and soaring rates of elective cosmetic surgery. Rhode reminds us how Hillary Clinton and Sonia Sotomayor were savaged by the media for their looks, and says it s no surprise that Sarah Palm paid her makeup artis

41、t more than any member of her staff in her run for the vice presidency.Critics such as Andrew Sullivan claim that if we legally ban appearance discrimination, the next step will be legal protection of “the short, the skinny, the bald, the knobbly kneed, the flat-chested and the stupid. “ But Rhode p

42、oints out that there are already laws against appearance discrimination on the books in Michigan and six other locales. This hasn t resulted in an explosion of frivolous suits, she notes. In each jurisdiction the new laws have generated between zero and nine cases annually.Of course the problem with

43、 making appearance discrimination illegal is that Americans just really, really like hot girls. And so long as being a hot girl is deemed a bona fide occupational qualification, there will be cocktail waitresses fired for gaining three pounds. It s not just American men who like things this way. In

44、the most troubling chapter in her book, Rhode explores the feminist movements complicated relationship to eternal youth. The truth is that women feel good about competing in beauty pageants. They love six-inch heels. They feel beautiful after cosmetic surgery. You can t succeed in public life if you

45、 look old in America.This doesnt mean we shouldn t work toward eradicating discrimination based on appearance. But it may mean recognizing that the law won t stop us from discriminating against the overweight, the aging , and the imperfect, so long as it s the quality we all hate most in ourselves.3

46、1 Rhode tries to argue that appearance discrimination_.(A)should be dealt with in a separate law(B) should not affect a persons choice of a spouse(C) is very harmful and rampant in social life(D)should be prohibited in work places32 The examples of Hilary and Sonia show that_.(A)how they look affect

47、 their public life(B) the public vote for them for how they look(C) they have become victims to the beauty industry(D)politicians cannot afford to offend the media33 We can infer from Paragraph 4 that laws against appearance discrimination_.(A)are actually nothing new in Rhodes proposal(B) are not e

48、ffective enough in Michigan and other places(C) will come into effect nationally in a very short time(D)are expected by Sullivan to incur many frivolous lawsuits34 We can conclude from the last two paragraphs that_.(A)making appearance discrimination laws in America is almost impossible(B) changing

49、our mindset is as important as making appearance discrimination laws(C) appearance discrimination laws cannot stop us from hating ourselves(D)Rhode cannot reconcile feminists ideals with women s desire for eternal youth35 The text is most likely to be _.(A)a book review(B) an editorial(C) a scientific report(D)a success story35 Many of the nations top-ranked medical centers employ some of the same advertising techniques doctors often criticize drug companies for concealing risks and

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