1、考博英语模拟试卷 162及答案与解析 一、 Reading Comprehension 0 The Supreme Courts decisions on physician-assisted suicide carry important implications for how medicine seeks to relieve dying patients of pain and suffering. Although it ruled that there is no constitutional right to physician-assisted suicide, the Cou
2、rt in effect supported the medical principle of “double effect, “a centuries-old moral principle holding that an action having two effectsa good one that is intended and a harmful one that is foreseenis permissible if the actor intends only the good effect. Doctors have used that principle in recent
3、 years to justify using high doses of morphine to control terminally iii patients pain, even though increasing dosages will eventually kill the patient. Nancy Dubler, director of Montefiore Medical Center, contends that the principle will shield doctors who “until now have very, very strongly insist
4、ed that they could not give patients sufficient mediation to control their pain if that might hasten death.“ George Annas, chair of the health law department at Boston University, maintains that, as long as a doctor prescribes a drug for a legitimate medical purpose, the doctor has done nothing ille
5、gal even if the patient uses the drug to hasten death. “Its like surgery,“ he says. “We dont call those deaths homicides because the doctors didnt intend to kill their patients, although they risked their death. If youre a physician, you can risk your patients suicide as long as you dont intend thei
6、r suicide.“ On another level, many in the medical community acknowledge that the assisted-suicide debate has been fueled in part by the despair of patients for whom modern medicine has prolonged the physical agony of dying. Just three weeks before the Courts ruling on physician-assisted suicide, the
7、 National Academy of Science (NAS) released a two-volume report, Approaching Death: Improving Care at the End of Life. It identifies the under treatment of pain and the aggressive use of “ineffectual an forced medical procedures that may prolong and even dishonor the period of dying“ as the twi prob
8、lems of end-of-life care. The profession is taking steps to require young doctors to train in hospices, to test knowledge of aggressive pain management therapies, to develop a medicare billing code for hospital-base care, and to develop new standards for assessing and treating pain at the end of lif
9、e. Annas says lawyers can play a key role in insisting that these well-meaning medical initiative translate into better care. “Large numbers of physicians seem unconcerned with the pain their patients are needlessly and predictably suffering“, to the extent that it constitutes “systematic patient ab
10、use“. He says medical licensing boards “must make it clear, that painful deaths are presumptively ones that are incompetently managed and should result in license suspension“. 1 From the first three paragraphs, we learn that _. （ A） doctors used to increase drug dosages to control their patients pai
11、n （ B） it is still illegal for doctors to help the dying end their lives （ C） the Supreme Court strongly opposes physician-assisted suicide （ D） patients have no constitutional right to commit suicide 2 Which of the following is true according to the passage? （ A） Doctors will be held guilty if they
12、 risk their patients death. （ B） Modern medicine has assisted terminally iii patients in painless recovery. （ C） The Court ruled that high-dosage pain-relieving medication can be prescribed. （ D） A doctors medication is no longer justified by his intentions. 3 According to the NASs report, one of th
13、e problems in end-of-life care is_. （ A） prolonged medical procedures （ B） inadequate treatment of pain （ C） systematic drug abuse （ D） insufficient hospital care 4 Which of the following best defines the word “aggressive“? （ A） Bold. （ B） Harmful. （ C） Careless. （ D） Desperate. 5 George Annas would
14、 probably agree that doctors should be punished if they _. （ A） manage their patients incompetently （ B） give patients more medicine than needed （ C） reduce drug dosages for their patients （ D） prolong the needless suffering of the patients 5 Could the bad old days of economic decline be about to re
15、turn? Since OPEC agreed to supply-cuts in March, the price of crude oil has jumped to almost $26 a barrel, up from less than $10 last December. Tbis near-tripling of oil prices calls up scary memories of the 1973 oil shock, when prices quadrupled, and 1979-1980, when they also almost tripled. Both p
16、revious shocks resulted in double-digit inflation and global economic decline. So where are the headlines warning of gloom and doom this time? The oil price was given another push up this week when Iraq suspended oil exports. Strengthening economic growth, at the same time as winter grips the northe
17、rn hemisphere, could push the price higher still in the short term. Yet there are good reasons to expect the economic consequences now to be less severe than in the 1970s. In most countries the cost of crude oil now accounts for a smaller share of the price of petrol than it did in the 1970s. In Eur
18、ope, taxes account for up to four-fifths of the retail price, so even quite big changes in the price of crude have a more muted effect on pump prices than in the past. Rich economies are also less dependent on oil than they were, and so less sensitive to swings in the oil price. Energy conservation,
19、 a shift to other fuels and a decline in the importance of heavy, energy-intensive industries have reduced oil consumption. Software, consultancy and mobile telephones use far less oil than steel or car production. For each dollar of GDP ( in constant prices) rich economies now use nearly 50% less o
20、il than in 1973. The OECD estimates in its latest Economic Outlook that, if oil prices averaged $22 a barrel for a full year, compared with $13 in 1998, this would increase the oil import bill in rich economies by only 0.25% 0.5% of GDP. That is less than one-quarter of the income loss in 1974 or 19
21、80. On the other hand, oil-importing emerging economiesto which heavy industry has shiftedhave become more energy-intensive, and so could be more seriously squeezed. One more reason not to lose sleep over the rise in oil prices is that, unlike the rises in the 1970s, it has not occurred against the
22、background of general commodity-price inflation and global excess demand. A sizable port/on of the world is only just emerging from economic decline. The Economists commodity price index is broadly unchanging from a year ago. In 1973 commodity prices jumped by 70% , and in 1979 by almost 30%. 6 The
23、main reason for the latest rise of oil price is _. （ A） global inflation （ B） reduction in supply （ C） fast growth in economy （ D） Iraqs suspension of exports 7 It can be inferred from the passage that the retail price of petrol will go up dramatically if _. （ A） price of crude rises （ B） commodity
24、prices rise （ C） consumption rises （ D） oil taxes rise 8 The estimates in Economic Outlook show that in rich countries_. （ A） heavy industry becomes more energy-intensive （ B） income loss mainly results from fluctuating crude oil prices （ C） manufacturing industry has been seriously squeezed （ D） oi
25、l price changes have no significant impact on GDP 9 We can draw a conclusion from the passage that _. （ A） oil-price shocks are less shocking now （ B） inflation seems irrelevant to oil-price shocks （ C） energy conservation can keep down the oil prices （ D） the price rise of crude leads to the shrink
26、ing of heavy industry 10 From the passage we can see that the author seems _. （ A） optimistic （ B） sensitive （ C） gloomy （ D） scared 10 The founders of the Republic viewed their revolution primarily in political rather than economic or social terms. And they talked about education as essential to th
27、e public gooda goal that took precedence over knowledge as occupational training or as a means to self-fulfillment or self-improvement. Over and over again the Revolutionary generation, both liberal and conservative in outlook, asserted its conviction that the welfare of the Republic rested upon an
28、educated citizenry and that schools, especially free public schools, would be the best means of educating the citizenry in civic values and the obligations required of everyone in a democratic republican society. All agreed that the principal ingredients of a civic education were literacy and the in
29、culcation of patriotic and moral virtues, some others adding the study of history and the study of principles of the republican government itself. The founders, as was the case of almost all their successors, were long on exhortation and rhetoric regarding the value of civic education, but they left
30、 it to the textbook writers to distill the essence of those values for school children. Texts in American history and government appeared as early as the 1790s. The textbook, writers turned out to be very largely of conservative persuasion, more likely Federalist in outlook than Jeffersonian, and al
31、most universally agreed that political virtue must rest upon moral and religious precepts. Since most textbook writers were New Englander, this meant that the texts were infused with Protestant and, above all, Puritan outlooks. In the first half of the Republic, civic education in the schools emphas
32、ized the inculcation of civic values and made little attempt to develop participatory political skills. That was a task left to incipient political parties, town meetings, churches and the coffee or ale houses where men gathered for conversation. Additionally as a reading of certain Federalist paper
33、s of the period would demonstrate, the press probably did more to disseminate realistic as well as partisan knowledge of government than the schools. The goal of education, however, was to achieve a higher form of Unum (one out of many used on the Great Seal of the U.S. and on several U. S. coins) f
34、or the new Republic. In the middle half of the nineteenth century, the political values taught in the public and private schools did not change substantially from those celebrated in the first fifty years of the Republic. In the textbooks of the day their rosy hues if anything became golden. To the
35、resplendent values of liberty, equality, and a benevolent Christian morality were now added the middle-class virtuesespecially of New Englandof hard work, honesty and integrity, the rewards of individual effort, and obedience to parents and legitimate authority. But of all the political values taugh
36、t in school, patriotism was preeminent; and whenever teachers explained to school children why they should love their country above all else, the idea of liberty assumed pride of place. 11 The passage deals primarily with the _. （ A） content of early textbooks on American history and government （ B）
37、 role of education in late eighteenth-and early to mid-nineteenth-century America （ C） influence of New England Puritanism on early American values （ D） origin and development of the Protestant work ethic in modern America 12 The passage provides information that would be helpful in answering the qu
38、estion _. （ A） why a disproportionate share of early American textbooks was written by New England authors （ B） whether the Federalist Party was primarily a liberal or conservative force in early American politics （ C） how many years of education the founders believe were sufficient to instruct youn
39、g citizens in civic virtue （ D） what the names of some of the Puritan authors who wrote early American textbooks were 13 The author states that textbooks written in the middle part of the nineteenth century_. （ A） departed radically in tone and style from earlier textbooks （ B） mentioned for the fir
40、st time the value of liberty （ C） treated traditional civic virtues with even greater reverence （ D） were commissioned by government agencies 14 Which of the following would LEAST likely have been the subject of an early American textbook ? （ A） Basic rules of English grammar. （ B） The American Revo
41、lution. （ C） Patriotism and other civic virtues. （ D） Vocational education. 15 The authors attitude towards the educational system she discusses can best be described as_. （ A） cynical and unpatriotic （ B） realistic and analytical （ C） pragmatic and frustrated （ D） disenchanted and bitter 15 Woodrow
42、 Wilson was referring to the liberal idea of the economic market when he said that the free enterprise system is the most efficient economic system. Maximum freedom means maximum productiveness; our “openness“ is to be the measure of our stability. Fascination with this ideal has made Americans defy
43、 the “Old World“ categories of settled possessiveness versus unsettling deprivation, the cupidity of retention versus the cupidity of seizure, a “status quo“ defended or attacked. The United States, it was believed, had no status quo ante. Our only “station“ was the turning of a stationary wheel, sp
44、inning faster and faster. We did not base our system on property but opportunitywhich meant we based it not on stability but on mobility. The more things changed, that is, the more rapidly the wheel turned, the steadier we would be. The conventional picture of class polities is composed of the Haves
45、, who want a stability to keep what they have, and the Have-nots, who want a touch of instability and change in which to scramble for the things they have not. But Americans imagined a condition in which speculators, self-makers, runners are always using the new opportunities given by our land. Thes
46、e economic leaders (front-runners) would thus be mainly agents of change. The nonstarters were considered the ones who wanted stability, a strong referee to give them some position in the race, a regulative hand to calm manic speculation; an authority that can call things to a halt, begin things aga
47、in from compensatorily staggered “starting lines“. “Reform“ in America has been sterile because it can imagine no change except through the extension of this metaphor of a race, wider inclusion of competitors, “a piece of the action“, as it were, for the disenfranchised. There is no attempt to call
48、off the race. Since our only stability is change, America seems not to honor the quiet work that achieves social interdependence and stability. There is, in our legends, no heroism of the office clerk, no stable industrial work force of the people who actually make the system work. There is no pride
49、 in being an employee (Wilson asked for a return to the time when everyone was an employer). There has been no boasting about our social workersthey are merely signs of the systems failure, of opportunity denied or not taken, of things to be eliminated. We have no pride in our growing interdependence, in the fact that our system can serve others, that we are able to help those in need; empty boasts from the past make us ashamed of our present achievements, make us try to forget or deny them, move
