1、考研英语模拟试卷 70及答案与解析 一、 Section I Use of English Directions: Read the following text. Choose the best word(s) for each numbered blank and mark A, B, C or D. (10 points) 1 Chinas entry into the WTO actually represents the result of a three-sided win-win situation - China, the United States and the WTO.
2、China, still a developing country, has a total economic (1)_ ranking seventh worldwide, and is the 10th largest nation (2)_ trade worldwide. In the 21st century, Chinas economy will have a (3)_ impact on the world economy. Without China, the WTO is (4)_, and its role greatly limited. Thus, Chinas en
3、try into the WTO is necessary for the WTO to realize its (5)_, (6)_ the United States, Chinas entry into the WTO will (7)_ the general needs of the development (8)_ and the mutual interests of Sino U.S. (9)_ trade, and will help gradually solve the problem of huge deficits in the U.S. trade with Chi
4、na. As for China, through 13 years of difficult (10)_, China has finally realized its (11)_ of joining the WTO as a developing country: the bilateral agreement between China and the United States (12)_ this fundamental principle. Chinas entry into the WTO as a developing country is of great signific
5、ance, implying as it does that China will enjoy, according to law, a developing countrys preferential arrangements, protection of export subsidies for its embryonic industries, as well as (13)_ stipulations(协定 ) in the tariff system. For example, China will retain for a six-year period a 25 percent
6、import tax rate for its auto industry; in the agriculture sector, most of markets (wheat, maize, rice, cotton, sugar, and fertilizer) will be franchised by the State so as to ensure the State has (14)_ means of macroeconomic control, thereby (15)_ farmers interests; and the banking sector will gradu
7、ally open during a transitional period. Moreover, in some sectors, the markets will still remain closed, or, at least, the opening of these markets has to be specifically (16)_ by the Chinese government. Only developing countries have the right to enjoy the above- mentioned buffer opportunities. The
8、 Sino-U. S. agreement further contains no (17)_ prohibiting China from adopting WTO exceptional clauses; instead, China can adopt exceptional clauses which are exclusively (18)_ to developing countries. This objectively recognizes that China enjoys status of a developing country and means that China
9、 can adopt such exceptional clauses as protection of its infant industries. Should its domestic markets be seriously affected or harmed by external factors? China can adopt temporary measures to compensate. In short, Chinas (19)_ to the WTO as a developing country ensures that Chinas (20)_ to the WT
10、O are compatible with its current development level, thus greatly reducing the negative effects to Chinas industries resulting from its entry into the WTO. （ A） capability （ B） ability （ C） capacity （ D） aptitude （ A） in view of （ B） with a view of （ C） in terms of （ D） on terms with （ A） prevailing
11、 （ B） profound （ C） precautionary （ D） progressive （ A） inaccessible （ B） inadvisable （ C） inefficient （ D） incomplete （ A） prevalence （ B） popularity （ C） universe （ D） universality （ A） On account of （ B） Regardless of （ C） By means of （ D） With regard to （ A） recognize （ B） realize （ C） authorize
12、 （ D） socialize （ A） model （ B） prototype （ C） reproduction （ D） pattern （ A） double （ B） controversial （ C） duplicate （ D） bilateral （ A） negotiation （ B） communication （ C） transaction （ D） communicability （ A） objective （ B） subjective （ C） automotive （ D） maturative （ A） perceives （ B） distingui
13、shes （ C） incorporates （ D） embodies （ A） inflexible （ B） adaptable （ C） yielding （ D） elastic （ A） sufficient （ B） efficient （ C） proficient （ D） deficient （ A） prohibiting （ B） protecting （ C） projecting （ D） preventing （ A） agreed （ B） consented （ C） approved （ D） accepted （ A） expression （ B） vo
14、cabulary （ C） term （ D） clause （ A） suitable （ B） available （ C） applicable （ D） obtainable （ A） contribution （ B） accession （ C） admission （ D） compulsion （ A） assignment （ B） tariff （ C） obligation （ D） commitment Part A Directions: Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each te
15、xt by choosing A, B, C or D. (40 points) 21 After the terrorist attacks in America last September, terrorist risk became the pariah of perils. The airline industry was most directly affected by the attacks, and it was the first to find that no one wanted to insure terrorist risk. Insurance companies
16、 immediately increased premiums and cut cover for airlines third-party terror and war liabilities to $50m per airline, per “event“. Under pressure from airlines, the American government and the members of the European Union agreed to become insurers of last resort for airlines war and terrorist liab
17、ilities, for a limited period. These government guarantees are due to expire at the end of the month. The American government has already agreed to extend its guarantee for another 60 days. The EUs transport ministers are meeting next week in Brussels to decide what to do. Insurers and re-insurers a
18、re keen for the commercial market to resume the provision of all airline insurance as soon as possible. No wonder: The premiums for such cover have inevitably increased considerably. However, in the case of terrorism, and especially of terrorism in the skies, a number of special factors arise. Some
19、are purely practical: a disaster as sudden and unforeseen as the attacks on the World Trade Center has had destructive effects on the insurance industry. The maximum cover for third-party terrorist risk available in the primary aviation market is now $50m, and that is not nearly enough cover risks t
20、hat are perceived to be much higher since September 11th. Even if the market could offer sufficient cover, another catastrophe on such a scale would be more than the market could cope with. In addition, a rare and devastating risk of a political nature is arguably one that it is right for government
21、s to cover, at least in part. In the wake of attacks by Irish terrorists the British government has recognized this point by agreeing to back a mutual fund to cover risks to property from terrorist attack. In the case of the airlines, the appropriate answer is some form of mutual scheme with governm
22、ent backing. In fact, under the code-name “Equitime“, representatives of airlines, insurers and the American government are setting up an insurance vehicle to be financed by airlines and reinsured by the government. Governments would guarantee the funds excess risk, but their role would diminish as
23、the fund grew. Setting something up will take time, so, to bridge the gap, governments will have to remain insurer of last resort for airlines war and terrorist risk for some time to come. 21 By “terrorist risk became the pariah of perils“(Paragraph 1), the author means （ A） airline disasters severe
24、ly affected the mutual fund. （ B） terrorist risk was the chief concern for governments. （ C） insurance companies refused to pay their premiums. （ D） terrorist liabilities are not accepted by insurance companies. 22 The writer argues that in the foreseeable future the insurer of last resort for airli
25、nes terrorist risk will be （ A） insurance companies. （ B） airliners themselves. （ C） governments guarantees. （ D） mutual fund scheme. 23 When mentioning “$50m per airline, per event“(Paragraph 1), the writer is talking about （ A） the gap between insurance and reinsurance. （ B） the liabilities attrib
26、uted to terrorists. （ C） the fund guaranteed by governments. （ D） the cover for third-party terrorist risk. 24 In the eyes of the writer, the current insurance industry alone （ A） will cancel the provision of all airline insurance. （ B） could not sustain another sudden catastrophe. （ C） must cope wi
27、th a rare risk of a political nature. （ D） will be integrated into an insurance vehicle. 25 How does the writer feel about the present situation? （ A） Anxious. （ B） Tolerant. （ C） Amazed. （ D） Indifferent. 26 The European Unions Barcelona summit, which ended on March 16th, was played out against the
28、 usual backdrop of noisy “anti-globalisation“ demonstrations and massive security. If nothing else, the demonstrations illustrated that economic liberalization in Europe the meetings main topic presents genuine political difficulties. Influential sections of public opinion continue to oppose anythin
29、g that they imagine threatens “social Europe“, the ideal of a cradle-to-grave welfare state. In this climate of public opinion, it is not surprising that the outcome in Barcelona was modest. The totemic issue was opening up Europes energy markets. The French government has fought hard to preserve a
30、protected market at home for its state-owned national champion, Electricite de France (EDF). At Barcelona it made a well-flagged tactical retreat. The summiteers concluded that from 2004 industrial users across Europe would be able to choose from competing energy suppliers, which should account for
31、“at least“ 600% of the market. Since Europes energy market is worth 350 billion ($309 Billion) a year and affects just about every business, this is a breakthrough. But even the energy deal has disappointing aspects. Confining competition to business users makes it harder to show that economic liber
32、alization is the friend rather than the foe of the ordinary person. It also allows EDF to keep its monopoly in the most profitable chunk of the French market. In other areas, especially to do with Europes tough labor markets, the EU is actually going backwards. The summiteers declared that “disincen
33、tives against taking up jobs“ should be removed; 20m jobs should be created within the EU by 2010. But only three days after a Barcelona jamboree, the European Commission endorsed a new law that would give all temporary-agency workers the same rights as full-timers within six weeks of getting their
34、feet under the desk. Six out of 20 commissioners did, unusually, vote against the measure a blatant piece of re-regulation but the social affairs commissioner, Anna Diamantopoulou, was unrepentant, indeed triumphant. A dissatisfied liberaliser in the commission called the directive “an absolute disa
35、ster“. The summits other achievements are still more fragile. Europes leaders promised to increase spending on “research and development“ from its current figure of 1.9% of GDP a year to 3%. But how will European politicians compel businesses to invest more in research? Nobody seems to know. And the
36、 one big research project agreed on at Barcelona, the Galileo satellite-positioning system, which is supposed to cost 3.2 billion of public money, is of dubious commercial value, since the Europeans already enjoy free access to the Americans GPA system. Edward Bannerman, head of economics at the Cen
37、tre for European Reform, a Blairite think-tank, calls Galileo “the common agricultural policy in space.“ 26 According to those who support the liberalization of Europes energy markets, energy supply monopoly is unlikely on the grounds that （ A） business users will choose from supplier competitors. （
38、 B） energy markets call for cross-trade coordination. （ C） competition will hardly be confined to business users. （ D） energy suppliers might cater to economic liberalization. 27 What is the attitude of the minority of commissioners towards the re-regulation of Europes job market? （ A） Arbitrary. （
39、B） Neutral. （ C） Compromising. （ D） Critical. 28 Which of the following is NOT mentioned in the text? （ A） Demonstrators are not in favor of Europes economic liberalization. （ B） Frances EDF is used to illustrate a result of liberal economies. （ C） The Europes Unions Barcelona summit is not as produ
40、ctive as expected. （ D） Europes satellite-position system is nowhere near a great success. 29 It can be inferred from the text that Europes quest for more liberal economies may be （ A） popular and sensible. （ B） dubious but profitable. （ C） slow and contradictory. （ D） fragile but promising. 30 We l
41、earn from the text that Edward Bannerman is probably （ A） an enthusiast in space exploration. （ B） an advocate of Europes unity and liberalization. （ C） a pioneer in research and development. （ D） an opponent of the Galileo satellite-position system. 31 It may turn out that the “digital divide“ one
42、of the most fashionable political slogans of recent years is largely fiction. As you will recall, the argument went well be-yond the unsurprising notion that the rich would own more computers than the poor. The disturbing part of the theory was that society was dividing itself into groups of technol
43、ogy “haves“ and “have-nots“ and that this segregation would, in turn, worsen already large economic inequalities. It is this argument that is either untrue or wildly exaggerated. We should always have been suspicious. After all, computers have spread quickly because they have become cheaper to buy a
44、nd easier to use. Falling prices and skill requirements suggest that the digital divide would spontaneously shrink and so it has. Now, a new study further discredits the digital divide. The study, by economists David Card of the University of California, Berkeley, challenges the notion that computer
45、s have significantly worsened wage inequality. The logic of how this supposedly happens is straightforward: computers raise the demand for high-skilled workers, increasing their wages. Meanwhile, computerization by automating many routine tasks reduces the demand for low-skilled workers and, thereby
46、, their wages. The gap between the two widens. Superficially, wage statistics support the theory. Consider the ratio between workers near the top of the wage distribution and those near the bottom. Computerization increased; so did the wage gap. But wait, point out Card and DiNardo. The trouble with
47、 blaming computers is that the worsening of inequality occurred primarily in the early 1980s. With computer use growing, the wage gap should have continued to expand, if it was being driven by a shifting demand for skills. Indeed, Card and DiNardo find much detailed evidence that contradicts the the
48、ory. They conclude that computerization does not explain “the rise in U.S. wage inequality in the last quarter of the 20th century.“ The popular perception of computers impact on wages is hugely overblown. Lots of other influences count for as much, or more. The worsening of wage inequality in the e
49、arly 1980s, for example, almost certainly reflected the deep 1981-82 recession and the fall of inflation. Companies found it harder to raise prices. To survive, they concluded that they had to hold down the wages of their least skilled, least mobile and youngest workers. The “digital divide“ suggested a simple solution (computers) for a complex problem (poverty). With more computer access, the poor could escape their lot. But computers never were the source of an
