1、考研英语-614 及答案解析(总分：100.00，做题时间：90 分钟)一、Section Use of Eng(总题数：1，分数：10.00)Most of us are taught to pay attention to what is said-the words. Words do provide us with some information, but meanings are (1) from so many other sources that it would hinder our effectiveness (2) a partner to a relationship
2、to rely too heavily on words (3) . Words are used to describe only a small part of the many ideas we associate with any given (4) . Sometimes we can gain insight into some of those (5) if we listen for (6) words. We dont always say what we mean (7) mean what we say. Mostly we mean several things at
3、once. A person wanting to purchase a house says to the current owner. “This step has to be fixed before Ill buy.“ The owner says, “Its been like that for years“. (8) , the step hasnt been like that for years, but the (9) message is: “I dont want to fix it. We can put up with it why cant you?“ The (1
4、0) for a more expansive view of meaning can be developed by examining a message (11) who said it, when it occurred, the (12) conditions or situation, and how it was said.When a message occurs can also (13) associated meaning. A friends unusually docile behavior may only be understood by (14) that it
5、 was preceded by situations that required a (n) (15) amount of assertiveness.We would do well to listen for how message are (16) . The words, “it sure has been nice to have you over,“ can be said with (17) and excited or ritualistically. The phrase can be said once or (18) several times. And the mea
6、ning we associate with the phrase will change (19) . Sometimes if we say something infrequently it assumes more importance; sometimes the more we say something the (20) importance it assumes.（分数：10.00）A.omittedB.resultedC.dismissedD.derivedA.forB.underC.asD.againstA.as wellB.aloneC.long beforeD.thou
7、ghA.messageB.descriptionC.statementD.explanationA.associationsB.appointmentsC.appliancesD.agitationsA.less thanB.rather thanC.more thanD.other thanA.or elseB.orC.but ratherD.butA.TheoreticallyB.IronicallyC.ProbablyD.ActuallyA.inclinedB.declaredC.impliedD.deliveredA.searchB.inquiryC.worryD.confusionA
8、.in terms ofB.in the light ofC.in line withD.in the wake ofA.involvedB.includedC.relatedD.concernedA.uncoverB.exposeC.displayD.revealA.markingB.notingC.labelingD.spottingA.complexB.abnormalC.moderateD.ambiguousA.offeredB.grantedC.presentedD.agreedA.emphasisB.hesitationC.interestD.pressureA.renewedB.
9、recoveredC.repeatedD.restoredA.unexpectedlyB.occasionallyC.especiallyD.accordinglyA.betterB.lessC.worseD.more二、Section Reading Co(总题数：0，分数：0.00)三、Part A(总题数：0，分数：0.00)四、Text 1(总题数：1，分数：10.00)After the terrorist attacks in America last September, terrorist risk became the pariah of perils. The airlin
10、e industry was most directly affected by the attacks, and it was the first to find that no one wanted to insure terrorist risk. Insurance companies immediately increased premiums and cut cover for airlines third-party terror and war liabilities to 50m per airline, per “event“. Under pressure from ai
11、rlines, the American government and the members of the European Union agreed to become insurers of last resort for airlines war and terrorist liabilities, for a limited period. These government guarantees are due to expire at the end of the month.The American government has already agreed to extend
12、its guarantee for another 60 days. The EUs transport ministers are meeting next week in Brussels to decide what to do. Insurers and reinsurers are keen for the commercial market to resume the provision of all airline insurance as soon as possible. No wonder: The premiums for such cover have inevitab
13、ly increased considerably.However, in the case of terrorism, and especially of terrorism in the skies, a number of special factors arise. Some are purely practical: a disaster as sudden and unforeseen as the attacks on the World Trade Center has had destructive effects on the insurance industry. The
14、 maximum cover for third-party terrorist risk available in the primary aviation market is now $ 5Om, and that is not nearly enough cover risks that are perceived to be much higher since September 11th. Even if the market could offer sufficient cover, another catastrophe on such a scale would be more
15、 than the market could cope with.In addition, a rare and devastating risk of a political nature is arguably one that it is right for governments to cover, at least in part. In the wake of attacks by Irish terrorists the British government has recognized this point by agreeing to back a mutual fund t
16、o cover risks to property from terrorist attack.In the case of the airlines, the appropriate answer is some form of mutual scheme with government backing. In fact, under the code-name “Equitime“, representatives of airlines, insurers and the American government are setting up an insurance vehicle to
17、 be financed by airlines and reinsured by the government. Governments would guarantee the funds excess risk, but their role would diminish as the fund grew.Setting something up will take time. So, to bridge the gap, governments will have to remain insurer of last resort for airlines war and terroris
18、t risk for some time to come.（分数：10.00）(1).By “terrorist risk became the pariah of perils“ (Paragraph 1), the author means（分数：2.00）A.insurance companies increased premiums.B.airlines seek to avoid legal liabilities.C.terrorist attacks left insurers panicked.D.terrorist risk is unlikely to be insured
19、.(2).According to the text, now it is beyond the ability of commercial insurance market（分数：2.00）A.to win the support from governments.B.to cancel provision for airline insurance.C.to cope with overwhelming disasters.D.to rule out third-party terrorist risks.(3).The word “vehicle“ (Para. 5) denotes（分
20、数：2.00）A.vulnerability.B.capability.C.liability.D.availability.(4).The writer argues that in the foreseeable future the insurer of last resort for airlines terrorist risk will be（分数：2.00）A.insurance companies.B.governments guarantees.C.airlines themselves.D.mutual fund schemes.(5).It can be conclude
21、d from the text that airlines war and terrorist risk（分数：2.00）A.should be attended to cautiously.B.should be left with the government alone.C.should be accepted reluctantly.D.should be left up to insurance companies.五、Text 2(总题数：1，分数：10.00)Shortly after September 11th, President Bushs father observed
22、 that just as Pearl Harbor awakened this country from the notion that we could somehow avoid the call of duty to defend freedom in Europe and Asia in World War Two, so, too, should this most recent surprise attack erase the concept in some quarters that America can somehow go it alone in the fight a
23、gainst terrorism or in anything else for that matter.But Americas allies have begun to wonder whether that is the lesson that has been learned-or whether the Afghanistan campaigns apparent success shows that unilateralism works just fine. The United States, that argument goes, is so dominant that it
24、 can largely afford to go it alone.It is true that no nation since Rome has loomed so large above the others, but even Rome eventually collapsed. Only a decade ago, the conventional wisdom lamented an America in decline. Bestseller lists featured books that described Americas fall. Japan would soon
25、become “Number One“. That view was wrong at the time, and when I wrote “Bound to Lead“ in 1989, I, like others, predicted the continuing rise of American power. But the new conventional wisdom that America is invincible is equally dangerous if it leads to a foreign policy that combines unilateralism
26、, arrogance and parochialism.A number of advocates of “realist“ international-relations theory have also expressed concern about Americas staying-power. Throughout history, coalitions of countries have arisen to balance dominant powers, and the search for traditional shifts in the balance of power a
27、nd new state challengers is well under way. Some see China as the new enemy; others envisage a Russia-China-India coalition as the threat. But even if China maintains high growth rates of 6% while the United States achieves only 2%, it will not equal the United States in income per head until the la
28、st half of the century.Still others see a uniting Europe as a potential federation that will challenge the United States for primacy. But this forecast depends on a high degree of European political unity, and a low state of transatlantic relations. Although realists raise an important point about t
29、he leveling of power in the international arena, their quest for new cold-war-style challengers is largely barking up the wrong tree. They are ignoring deeper changes in the distribution and nature of power in the contemporary world. The paradox of American power in the 21st century is that the larg
30、est power since Rome cannot achieve its objectives unilaterally in a global information age.（分数：10.00）(1).We learn from the beginning of the text that what strikes Bushs father is that（分数：2.00）A.American allies began to appreciate unilateralism.B.Americans come to get over some misconceptions.C.the
31、U.S. became the largest power since Rome.D.Americans can achieve its objectives unilaterally.(2).What is realists attitude towards the continuing rise of American power?（分数：2.00）A.Apprehensive.B.Boastful.C.Optimistic.D.Grieved.(3).According to the text, cooperative bodies of countries have emerged（分
32、数：2.00）A.to defeat new state challengers.B.to defend international relations.C.to maintain high growth rates.D.to equalize dominant powers.(4).The author criticizes those who are “barking up the wrong tree“ for their（分数：2.00）A.dominance.B.insecurity.C.ignorance.D.sensitivity.(5).The author asserts t
33、hat in dealing with world affairs the U. S should learn to（分数：2.00）A.combine unilateralism with nationalism.B.depend upon the conventional wisdom.C.draw a lesson from the collapse of Rome.D.revise its unilateral foreign policy wisely.六、Text 3(总题数：1，分数：10.00)Yasuhisa Shizoki, a 51-year-old MP from Ja
34、pans ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), starts tapping his finger on the dismal economic chart on his coffee table. “Unless we change the decision-making process,“ he says bluntly, “we are not going to be able to solve this kind of problem.“ With the economy in such a mess, it may seem a bit of
35、a diversion to be trying to sort out Japans political structures as well as its economic problems. But Mr Shiozaki can hardly be accused of time-wasting. He has consistently prodded the government to take a firm hand to ailing banks, and has given warning against complacency after a recent rise in s
36、hare prices. Far from being a distraction, his latest cause highlights how far Japan is from genuine economic reform.Since cowriting a report on political reform, which was released by an LDP panel last week, Mr Shiozaki has further upset the partys old guard. Its legionaries, flanked by columns of
37、the bureaucracy, continue to hamper most attempts to overhaul the economy. Junichiro Koizumi was supposed to change all that, by going over their heads and appealing directly to the public. Yet nearly a year after becoming prime minister, Mr Koizumi has precious little to show for his efforts. His p
38、opularity is now flagging and his determination is increasingly in doubt.As hopes of immediate economic reform fade, optimists are focusing on another potential benefit of Mr Koizumis tenure. They hope that his highly personalized style of leadership will pave the way for a permanent change in Japan
39、ese politics: towards more united and authoritative cabinets that are held directly accountable for their policies. As that happens, the thinking goes, real economic reforms will be able to follow.A leading candidate for change is the 40 year-old system-informal but religiously followed-through whic
40、h the LDP machinery vets every bill before it ever gets to parliament. Most legislation starts in the LDPs party committees, which mirror the parliamentary committee structure. Proposals then go through two higher LDP bodies, which hammer out political deals to smooth their passage. Only then does t
41、he prime ministers cabinet get fully involved in approving the policy. Most issues have been decided by the LDP mandarins long before they reach this point, let alone the floor of parliament, leaving even the prime minister limited influence, and allowing precious little room for public debate and e
42、ven less for accountability.As a result, progress will probably remain slow. Since they know that political reform leads to economic reform, and hence poses a threat to their interests, most of the LDP will resist any real changes. But at least a handful of insiders have now bought into one of Mr Ko
43、izumis best slogans: “Change the LDP, change Japan./（分数：10.00）(1).What is implied in the first sentence?（分数：2.00）A.The economic situation in Japan is depressing.B.Shizoki is engaged in some time-wasting activity.C.The economic chart mirrors genuine revivals.D.Shizoki is addicted to his enjoyable div
44、ersions.(2).We learn from the text that an economic reform in Japan（分数：2.00）A.is a new boom on the horizon.B.should follow a political reform.C.is in the charge of committees.D.should precede a political unrest.(3).As regards the political reforms in Japan, the author focuses on its（分数：2.00）A.real e
45、conomic structures.B.formal religious rituals.C.decision-making process.D.legislation accountability.(4).The basic problem in Japanese politics as pointed by the writer lies in（分数：2.00）A.the lack of direct accountability.B.the existence of political deals.C.the absence of top-level influence.D.the r
46、esistance to real changes.(5).Which of the following can best apply to the current political systems in Japan?（分数：2.00）A.“into hierarchies.“B.“for the better.“C.“on rigid routines.“D.“behind the times.“七、Text 4(总题数：1，分数：10.00)“Worse than useless,“ fumed Darrell Issa, a Republican congressman from Ca
47、lifornia, on March 19th, when the House Judiciary Committee held a hearing on the Immigration and Naturalization Service. “Terrible, and getting worse,“ added Zoe Lofgren, a Democratic colleague who has kept a watchful eye on the INS for ten years.Committee members lined up to take swings at James Z
48、iglar, the head of the INS. He explained, somewhat pathetically, that “outdated procedures“ had kept the visa-processing wheels grinding slowly through a backlog of applications. He also had some new rules in mind to tighten up visas. Speeding up the paperwork and getting more of it on to computers-
49、is vital, but the September attacks have exposed the tension, between the agencys two jobs: on the one hand enforcing the security of Americas borders, and on the other granting privileges such as work permits to foreigners.But other people want more radical changes. James Sensenbrenner, a Republican congressman from Wisconsin, wants to split the INS into two separate bodies, one dealing with border security and the other with handling benefits to immigrants. The other approach, favored in the White House, is to treat the two functions as complementary
