[考研类试卷]英语翻译基础(英汉互译)模拟试卷11及答案与解析.doc

上传人:inwarn120 文档编号:855779 上传时间:2019-02-22 格式:DOC 页数:7 大小:39KB
下载 相关 举报
[考研类试卷]英语翻译基础(英汉互译)模拟试卷11及答案与解析.doc_第1页
第1页 / 共7页
[考研类试卷]英语翻译基础(英汉互译)模拟试卷11及答案与解析.doc_第2页
第2页 / 共7页
[考研类试卷]英语翻译基础(英汉互译)模拟试卷11及答案与解析.doc_第3页
第3页 / 共7页
[考研类试卷]英语翻译基础(英汉互译)模拟试卷11及答案与解析.doc_第4页
第4页 / 共7页
[考研类试卷]英语翻译基础(英汉互译)模拟试卷11及答案与解析.doc_第5页
第5页 / 共7页
点击查看更多>>
资源描述

1、英语翻译基础(英汉互译)模拟试卷 11 及答案与解析英译汉1 Modified Agricultural PracticesSince agriculture accounts for nearly 70 percent of the world s fresh water withdrawn from rivers , lakes, and underground aquifers for human use, the greatest potential for conservation lies with increasing irrigation efficiency. By redu

2、cing irrigation by 10 percent, we could double the amount available for domestic water worldwide. This can be done by converting to water-conserving irrigation systems; taking the poorest and steepest lands out of production; switching to less-thirsty crops (which may require changes to government s

3、ubsidies for certain crops) ; implementing proper agricultural land drainage and soil management practices, and reducing fertilizer and pesticide use.Typically, governments provide water to large commercial farmers at greatly subsidized rates, decreasing the need for conservation and promoting waste

4、ful practices. This has led to widespread use of wasteful irrigation systems. Studies show that just 35-50 percent of water withdrawn for irrigated agriculture actually reaches the crops. Most soaks into the ground through unlined canals, leaks out of pipes, or evaporates before reaching fields. Alt

5、hough some of the water lost in inefficient irrigation systems returns to streams or aquifers where it can be tapped again, water quality is invariably degraded by pesticides, fertilizers and salts. This is in fact another way that commercial agriculture “uses“ water: by polluting it so that it is n

6、o longer safe to drink. In areas where commercial agriculture is prevalent, runoff from farms has poisoned water supply with dangerous levels of toxics.2 The growth of the limited liability company and municipal business had important consequences. Such large, impersonal manipulation of capital and

7、industry greatly increased the numbers and importance of shareholders as a class, an element in national life representing irresponsible wealth detached from the land and the duties of the landowners; and almost equally detached from the responsible management of business. All through the nineteenth

8、 century, America, Africa, India , Australia and parts of Europe were being developed by British capital, and British shareholders were thus enriched by the world movement towards industrialisation. Towns like Bournemouth and Eastbourne sprang up to house large “comfortable“ classes who had retired

9、on their incomes, and who had no relation to the rest of the community except that of drawing dividends and occasionally attending a shareholders meeting to dictate their orders to the management. On the other hand “ Shareholding“ meant leisure and freedom which was used by many of the later Victori

10、ans for the highest purpose of a great civilization.The “shareholders“ as such had no knowledge of the lives, thoughts or needs of the workmen employed by the company in which he held shares, and his influence on the relations of capital and labour was not good. The paid manager acting for the compa

11、ny was in more direct relation with the men and their demands, but even he had seldom that familiar personal knowledge of the workmen which the employer had often had under the more patriarchal system of the old family business now passing away. Indeed the mere size of operations and the numbers of

12、workmen involved rendered such personal relations impossible. Fortunately, however, the increasing power and organisation of the trade unions, at least in all skilled trades, enabled the workmen to meet on equal terms the managers of the companies who employed them. The cruel discipline of the strik

13、e and lockout taught the two parties to respect each other s strength and understand the value of fair negotiation.3 The Millennium Development Goals call for a dramatic reduction in poverty and marked improvements in the health of the poor. Meeting these goals is feasible but far from assured. Succ

14、ess in achieving the MDGs will require a seriousness of purpose, a political resolve in countries, and an adequate flow of resources from high-income to low income countries on a sustained and well-targeted basis.The importance of the MDGs in health is, in one sense, self-evident. Improving the heal

15、th and longevity of the poor is an end in itself, a fundamental goal of economic development. But it is also a means to achieving the other development goals relating to poverty reduction. The linkages of health to poverty reduction and to long-term economic growth are powerful, much stronger than i

16、s generally understood. The burden of disease in some low-income regions, especially sub-Saharan Africa, stands as a stark barrier to economic growth and therefore must be addressed frontally and centrally in comprehensive development strategy. The AIDS pandemic represents a unique challenge of unpr

17、ecedented urgency and intensity. This single epidemic can undermine Africa s development over the next generation, and may cause tens of millions of deaths in India, China, and other developing countries unless addressed by greatly increased efforts.The feasibility of meeting the MDGs in the low-inc

18、ome countries is widely misjudged. On the one side of the debate are those who believe that the health goals will take care of themselves, as a fairly automatic by-product of economic growth. With the mortality rates of children under 5 in the least-developed countries standing at 159 per 1,000 birt

19、hs, compared with 6 per 1,000 births in the high-income countries, they take the view that it s just a matter of time before the mortality rates in the low-income world will converge with those of the rich countries. This is false for two reasons.4 President Obama s recent trip to China reflects a s

20、ymbiotic relationship at the heart of the global economy: China uses American spending power to enlarge its private sector, while America uses Chinese lending power to expand its public sector. Yet this arrangement may unravel in a dangerous way, and if it does, the most likely culprit will be Chine

21、se economic overcapacity.Several hundred million Chinese farmers have moved from the countryside to the cities over the last 30 years, in one of the largest, most rapid migrations in history. To help make this work, the Chinese government has subsidized its exporters by pegging the Renminbi at an un

22、naturally low rate to the dollar. This has supported relatively high-paying export jobs; additional subsidies have included direct credit allocation and preferential treatment for coastal enterprises.These aren t the recommended policies you would find in a basic economics text, but it s hard to arg

23、ue with success. Most important, it has given many more Chinese a stake in the future of their society. Those same subsidies, however, have spurred excess capacity and created a dangerous political, dynamic in which these investments have to be propped up at all cost.China has been building factorie

24、s and production capacity in virtually every sector of its economy , but it s not clear that the latest round of investments will be profitable anytime soon. Automobiles , steel, semiconductors, cement, aluminum and real estate all show signs of too much capacity. In Shanghai, the central business d

25、istrict appears to have high vacancy rates, yet building continues.Chinese planners now talk of the need to restrict investment in sectors that are overflowing with unsold products. The global market is no longer strong, and domestic demand was never enough in the first place. Regional officials hav

26、e an incentive to prop up local enterprises and production statistics, even if that means supporting projects or accounting practices that are not sustainable. (315 Words)5 In England in the early 17th century, the Stuart monarchy, to finance its expenditures, increasingly resorted to “forced loans“

27、where the lender had no recourse if loans were not repaid. This practice was one of many highly visible signs that the regime had no commitment to protecting property rights. Other indications include outright confiscation of land and funds, forced public procurement at below-market prices, a willin

28、gness to remove judges who ruled against the Crown, and the sale of monopoly rights over various lucrative economic activities. This arbitrary exercise of sovereign power was interrupted during the civil war in the middle of the century, but the restoration of the monarchy was accompanied by the ret

29、urn of the same excesses.The Glorious Revolution of 1688 ushered in a series of fundamental changes in political institutions that limited the arbitrary exercise of power by the sovereign. The revolution established the supremacy of parliament over the taxes and audit of the expenditures of the Crow

30、n. These steps were followed by the establishment of the Bank of England, which exercised important control over public finances. The result of these changes was a more equitable division of power between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. These restraints on the arbitr

31、ary exercise of power greatly enhanced the state s ability to finance public expenditures by issuing debt.The impact of these changes in political institutions and in the protection of property rights can be seen in the development of debt markets. In 1688 the Crown was able to place public debt equ

32、ivalent to only 2 to 3 percent of GDPand only of very short maturity and at very high interest rates. By 1697 the Crown was able to place and service debt equivalent to 40 percent of GDP, at lower interest rates and with longer maturities. The emergence of a functioning public debt market in turn be

33、nefited the development of the private capital markets that helped finance the Industrial Revolution that followed.英语翻译基础(英汉互译)模拟试卷 11 答案与解析英译汉1 【正确答案】 改良的农业耕作从全世界河流、湖泊和地下蓄水层汲取的供人类使用的淡水中,有近 70是用于农业,因此节水的最大潜力在于提高农业灌溉效率。减少 10的灌溉用水,我们就能够使世界各地的家庭用水量增加 1 倍(翻一番)。我们可以改用节水的灌溉系统,停止耕种最贫瘠、最陡峭的土地,再种植耗水量较低的植物(这可

34、能会要求改变政府对某些农作物的津贴额);采取适当的农业土地排水及土壤管理办法;减少化肥和杀虫剂的使用。通常,政府以很高的津贴优惠向大户的商业性农民供水,这就削弱了节水的必要性,鼓励了浪费行为。这种做法已导致农民广泛使用浪费水资源的灌溉设备。研究表明,农业灌溉用水中只有 3550真正用在农作物上。大部分的水通过没有铺衬里的灌溉渠道浸入土壤,或从水管泄漏出来,或在到达农田之前就蒸发掉了。尽管从低效的灌溉系统中损失的部分水,会重新返回可再次利用的河流或地下蓄水层中,但其水质因杀虫剂、化肥和盐份的渗入却不可避免地下降了。这实际上就是商业性农业“ 使用” 水的另一种方式:对水造成污染,使水无法再安全饮用

35、。在商业性农业盛行的地区,从农田中流出的水已经污染生活供水,使得水中的有毒物质达到危险的程度。【知识模块】 英译汉2 【正确答案】 劳资关系有限责任公司的增长和公共商业的发展已经带来严重的后果,如此巨大的个人操作的资本和工业极大地增加了持股者作为一个阶级的数量和重要性。国家生活里出现了一种和土地责任相分离的不负责任就有财富的人,而且几乎也没有进行商业管理的义务。机关在十九世纪美洲、非洲、印度、澳大利亚和欧洲的部分国家都是由英国的资本发展起来,因此英国的持股者因为世界性的工业化运动变得很富有。像Bournemouth 和 Eastbourne 等小镇都成了这种阶级退休后的去处,并且他们除了拿个人

36、的分红和偶尔参加一次股东大会对他们的经理进行指示以外与其他毫无关系,从另外一个角度而言,股东就意味着休闲和自由,从而被许多人作为最高追求的胜利者。这些股东对他们所持股公司雇用的工人的生活思想和需要毫无所知,因此他们对劳资关系的影响也不好。管理运作公司赚薪水的经理与工人有更直接的联系,并且知道一些工人的要求,但是他们与以前那种家族式企业的所有者相比,对工人的了解也很少。实际上操作的规模和工人的数量使这种经理对工人的很好了解成为不可能,但是幸运的是,工会不断增长的权力和加强的组织,至少在技巧性行业,可以使工人与雇用他们的经理处在平等的地位。罢工和封厂的残酷后果使双方相互尊重并知道公平谈判的重要性。

37、【知识模块】 英译汉3 【正确答案】 千年发展目标要求大幅度地扶贫减困,使穷人的健康得到显著的改善。这些目标是可能实现,却又难以确保实现的。要想成功实现千年发展目标,需要各国有认真的态度和政治决策,从高收入国家流向低收入国家的资源要充足、要有持续性、流向目标明确。千年发展目标中健康目标的重要性在某种意义上是不言而喻的。提高穷人的健康和寿命本身就是一个目标,是经济发展的一个基本目标。但是,这同时也是一种手段,凭此可以实现扶贫的其他发展目标。健康和扶贫减困的关系、和长期经济增长的联系都十分紧密,其紧密程度超出人们的一般理解。在一些低收入国家里,尤其是在撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲地区,疾病造成的负担,彻底

38、成为了经济发展的障碍,因而必须把它当作全面发展战略中的重要问题,全力解决。艾滋病的大面积流行是一个特殊的挑战,其紧迫性和严重性前所未有。仅仅这一种传染病,就足以破坏下一代非洲的发展,如果不下大力气解决,还有可能在印度、中国和其他发展中国家造成数千万人的死亡。千年发展目标是否能在低收入国家实现,在这一问题上还存在着许多错误的认识。在这场争论中,有人认为健康指标用不着去管,经济增长了,这些指标就会自然而然地实现。在最不发达的国家里,五岁以下儿童的死亡率是 159,而高收人国家则是 6。因此,有人认为,低收入国家的死亡率要赶上富裕国家的水平,只是个时间问题。这种看法是错误的,原因有两条。【知识模块】

39、 英译汉4 【正确答案】 美国总统奥巴马最近对中国的访问体现了全球经济核心上的共生关系:中国利用美国人民的消费力来壮大其私营企业,而美国利用中国人民的借贷力来扩展其政府控制企业。但是这样的合作或许会以一种危险的方式带来最可能的不良后果,并且如果真的带来后果,那就是中国经济产能过剩。在中国历史上规模最大,速度最快的一次人口迁移过程中,数亿农民在短短三十年里从农村迁往城市。为使迁移产生最大的经济效应,中国政府通过限定人民币对美元的超低汇率来补贴出口企业。这极好地支持了相对高回报的出口贸易;额外补贴还包括直接信贷配额和沿海企业优惠政策。在常规经济环境下,这些都并非值得推行的政策。但事实胜于雄辩。最重

40、要的是,这些政策给予了越来越多的中国人在未来社会的一席之地。然而,也正是这些政策,刺激了过剩生产力,带来了一个危险的政治动态环境。在这种环境下,必须不计任何代价对投资进行支持。中国一直在不停地建造工厂,推动其经济范围内几乎每一个部门的生产力。但是却没人清楚最新一轮的投资是否会马上产生经济效益。汽车,钢铁,半导体,水泥,铝和房地产行业已经显示出了太多的产能过剩。在上海这样一个经济中心城市,居高不下的住房空置率已经很成问题,然而,建房仍在继续。中国的决策者们现正在讨论限制某些生产过剩部门的投资。国际市场已风光不再,国内市场又自始至终都是供大于求。地方政府一直在鼓励当地企业扩大生产,提高生产数据,即

41、使这意味着支持非可持续发展的项目或做法。【知识模块】 英译汉5 【正确答案】 17 世纪早期,英国斯图亚特政权为了筹资支付开支,越来越依赖“强制贷款 ”,即贷款若未能偿还则贷方无追索权。这一做法只是该政权无意保护财产权的众多明显表现之一。其他表现包括直接充公土地和现金,低于市价进行强制公共采购,毫不犹豫将敢于跟王国政府作对的法官撤职,出售各种能带来高额利润的经济活动的垄断权。17 世纪中期的内战暂时打破了这种至高无上君权的专断独行的局面,但是伴随着君主制的复辟这些卑劣的行径又卷土重来了。1688 年的光荣革命带来了政治体制方面的根本变化,限制了君权的专断独行。这场革命确立了议会对税收的管辖权和对王室支出的监督权。接着又建立了英格兰银行,对控制公共财政起了重要作用。改革使政府的行政、立法、司法部门之间的权力划分更加均衡。通过限制专断权,国家通过发行债券为公共支出筹资的能力大大增强了。从债券市场的发展中可以看出上述变化对于政治体制和产权保护的影响。1688年,王室只能发行占国内生产总值 23的债券,而且债券期限很短,利率很高。到 1697 年,王室能够发行占国内生产总值 40的债券,有能力支付利息,且债券利率较低,期限较长。运作良好的公债市场的出现还促进了私人资本市场的发展,而私人资本市场的发展又为接下来发生的工业革命提供了资金支持。【知识模块】 英译汉

展开阅读全文
相关资源
猜你喜欢
相关搜索
资源标签

当前位置:首页 > 考试资料 > 大学考试

copyright@ 2008-2019 麦多课文库(www.mydoc123.com)网站版权所有
备案/许可证编号:苏ICP备17064731号-1