1、英语翻译基础（英汉互译）模拟试卷 1 及答案与解析英译汉1 The early 1990s heard much talk of regionalism and the regionalization of world politics. Regional conflicts replaced the global conflict on the world s security agenda. Major powers, such as Russia, China, and the United States, as well as secondary powers, such as Swe
2、den and Turkey, redefined their security interests in explicitly regional terms. Trade within regions expanded faster than trade between regions, and many foresaw the emergence of regional economic blocs, European , North American, East Asian, and perhaps others.The term “ regionalism, “ however, do
3、es not adequately describe what was happening. Regions are geographical not political or cultural entities. As with the Balkans(巴尔干区域)or the Middle East, they may be riven by inter and intracivilization conflicts. Regions are a basis for cooperation among states only to the extent that geography coi
4、ncides with culture. Divorced from culture, propinquity does not yield commonality and may foster just the reverse. Military alliances and economic associations require cooperation among their members, cooperation depends on trust, and trust most easily springs from common values and culture. As a r
5、esult, while age and purpose also play a role, the overall effectiveness of regional organizations generally varies inversely with the civilizational diversity of their membership. By and large, single civilization organizations do more things and are more successful than multicivilizational organiz
6、ations. This is true of both political and security organizations, on the one hand, and economic organizations, on the other.The success of NATO has resulted in large part from its being the central security organization of Western counties with common values and philosophical assumptions. The Weste
7、rn European U-nion is the product of a common European culture. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, on the other hand, includes countries from at least three civilizations with quite different values and interests which pose major obstacles to its developing a significant instit
8、utional identity and a wide range of important activities. The single civilization Caribbean Community, composed of thirteen English-speaking former British colonies, has created an extensive variety of cooperative arrangements, with more intensive cooperation among some sub-groupings.2 Until early
9、in this century, the isolationist tendency prevailed in American foreign policy. Then, two factors projected America into world affairs: its rapidly expanding power, and the gradual collapse of the international system centered on Europe. Two watershed presidencies marked this progression: Theodore
10、Roosevelt s and Woodrow Wilson s. These men held the reins of government when world affairs were drawing a reluctant nation into their vortex. Both recognized that A-merica had a crucial role to play in world affairs though they justified its emergence from isolation with opposite philosophies.Roose
11、velt was a sophisticated analyst of the balance of power. He insisted on an international role for America because its national interest demanded it, and because a global balance of power was inconceivable to him without American participation. For Wilson, the justification of America s internationa
12、l role was messianic: America had an obligation, not to the balance of power, but to spread its principles throughout the world. During the Wilson Administration, America emerged as a key player in world affairs, proclaiming principles which, while reflecting the truisms of American thought, nonethe
13、less marked a revolutionary departure for Old World diplomats. These principles held that peace depends on the spread of democracy, that states should be judged by the same ethical criteria as individuals, and that the national interest consists of adhering to a universal system of law.3 While assem
14、bling a new national security team, President George W. Bush is confronting what could become the biggest challenge of his second term: how to contain Iran s nuclear program and what Americans believe is its support of violence in Israel and insurgents in Iraq.In an eerie repetition of the prelude t
15、o the Iraq, hawks in the administration and congress are trumpeting ominous disclosures about Iran s nuclear capacities to make the case that Iran is a threat that must be confronted, either by economic sanctions, military action, or regime change.But Britain, France and Germany are urging diplomacy
16、, placing their hopes in a deal brokered by the Europeans in the past week in which Iran agreed to suspend its uranium enrichment program in return for discussions about future economic benefits.Secretary of State Colin Powell thrust himself into the debate on Wednesday by commenting to reporters wh
17、ile on the way to Chile that fresh intelligence showed that Iran was “actively working“ on a program to enable its missiles to carry nuclear bombs, a development he said “ should be of concern to all parties.The disclosures alluded to by Powell were seen by hard-liners in the administration as anoth
18、er sign of Iranian perfidy, and by Europeans as nothing new. Although Powell has praised the negotiations between the Europeans and Iran, an administration official said there was “a steady tightening of outlook between hawks and doves“ that Iran will use the negotiations as a pretext to continue it
19、s nuclear program in secret.4 We, the Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors of the G-20, have a common goal of promoting employment, welfare and development in our countries. We are convinced that strong and sustained economic growth is necessary both at national and global level to achieve t
20、his end. We have therefore discussed the requirements for long-lasting growth on the basis of our own experience and believe that domestic policy needs to address three tasks: establishing and maintaining monetary and financial stability; enhancing domestic and international competition; and empower
21、ing people to participate. Transparency and accountability within an internationally agreed framework of codes and standards remain key to ensuring sustained economic growth and stability at the global level. We agreed on the following key elements that will guide our domestic economic policies in t
22、he future. In implementing these elements, microeconomic aspects must be given due consideration. As these principles are interlinked, they must be implemented consistently, with due regard to possible trade-offs and complementarities, because many single elements have the potential of blocking the
23、positive effects of others. While appropriate and credible policies are the basis for economic growth, they need to be backed by high-quality institutions, including ethical standards in corporate governance. Policymakers should build institutions in parallel with engaging in reforms and also ensure
24、 that institutions stay consistent with the requirements of a changing environment. However, given the diversity of institutional settings and the success of different economic strategies among G-20 countries, there is no single template for strong long-term growth. Policies need to be shaped to the
25、 special circumstances in individual countries.5 But if part of the national purpose is to reduce and contain unemployment, arithmetic is not e-nough. We must know which of the basic factors we can control and which we wish to control. Unemployment would have risen more slowly or fallen more rapidly
26、 if productivity had increased more slowly, or the labor force had increased more slowly, or the hours of work had fallen more steeply, or total output had grown more rapidly. These are not independent factors however, and a change in any of them might have caused changes in the others.A society can
27、 choose to reduce the growth of productivity, and it can probably find ways to frustrate its own creativity. However, while a reduction in the growth of productivity at the expense of potential output might result in higher employment in the short run, the long-run effect on the national interest wo
28、uld be disastrous. We must also give consideration to the fact that hidden beneath national averages is continuous movement into, out of, between, and within labor markets. For example , 15 years ago, the average number of persons in the labor force was 74 million, with about 70 million employed and
29、 3. 9 million unemployed. Yet 14 million experienced some term of unemployment in that year. Some were new entrants to the labor force, others were laid off temporarily. The remainder were those who were permanently or indefinitely severed(断绝)from their jobs. Thus, the average number of unemployed d
30、uring a year understates the actual volume of involuntary displacement that actually occurs.High unemployment is not an inevitable result of the pace of technological change, but the consequence of passive public policy. We can anticipate a moderate increase in the labor force accompanied by a slow
31、and irregular decline in hours of work. It follows that the output of the economy and the aggregate demand to buy itmust grow in excess of 4 percent a year just to prevent the unemployment rate from rising, and even greater if the unemployment rate is to fall further. Yet our e-conomy has seldom, if
32、 ever, grown at a rate faster than 3. 5 percent for any extended length of time.We have no cause for complacency. Positive fiscal, monetary, and manpower policies will be needed in the future.6 I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America s leaders have come before me, and so man
33、y will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long storya story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave -holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the wor
34、ld to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American storya story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance,
35、 that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America s faith in freedom and democracy was a roc
36、k in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet
37、 to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a cont
38、inent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our u-nion, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.7 This is the price and the promise of citi
39、zenship.This is the source of our confidencethe knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creedwhy men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father l
40、ess than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddl
41、ed by dying camp-fires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:Let it be told to the future
42、 world. . . that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive. . . that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet it.In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtu
43、e, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God s grace upon us, we carried fort
44、h that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.8 It has now been five years since Margaret Thatcher resigned as Britain s Prime Minister. In her heyday she strode the international headlines with such bravura that she seemed inevitable, a natural force. The world stage se
45、emed just the right size for her, as she chaffed her conservative soul mate Ronald Reagan or flattered the “ new man,“ Mikhail Gorbachev.Now the political world has begun to focus on the immensity of her achievement. How on earth did she manage to get there? She was elected to Parliament at 32 in 19
46、58(five years before The Feminine Mystique was published). She parried her way through the complacent, male-dominated councils of powerno woman had ever roiled those waters. Couldn t the old boys see her coming? After all, there was nothing subtle about her personality or her approach.As The Path to
47、 Power(Harper-Collins; 656 pages; $30), the second volume of her autobiography , makes clear, Thatcher was probably too simple and direct for the Tories, with their heavy baggage of class and compromise. She traveled light, proud of her roots as a grocer s daughter from the small town of Grantham bu
48、t never tethered by working-class resentments or delusions of inferiority. Her parents taught her the verities they believed in: Methodism, hard work, thrift and the importance of the individual. She has never wavered from them, and they run through the book.汉译英9 在过去的二十年里，有将近 50 万的中国知识分子去了西方国家，特别是美国
49、。据说上海在国外的音乐家足以组成一个世界一流的交响乐团。在科技界、医学界和体育界，同样存在相同的情况。中国知识分子移居国外是因为他们认为在国内不能充分发挥自己的才能。由于各种各样的原因，他们常常感到心情压抑，事业受挫。这种情况相当糟糕。曾一度由于一批又一批的人才流向国外，我们的人才发生严重短缺。这种情况一直到九十年代初才有所改变。因为政府做出了努力从社会尊重和经济待遇上提高知识分子的地位。10 有些人担心电脑技术的广泛使用会进一步恶化就业形势。但另一种观点认为尽管这对个人来说会丢掉饭碗，对整个社会来说由于提高了生产率，因而有利于经济的发展。不管对社会影响如何，有一点是肯定的：有技术的人变得越来越吃香，没技术的人工作越来越难找。11 当我们从全球的角度来看环境问题时，首先注意的是环境问题所引起的人们的各种担心。发达国家担心的是大气和水的污染，能源的紧张，城市对农村面积的不断蚕食。发展中国家最担心的是营养不良，人口增长，水源不足，缺少教育和就业机会。12 尽管一对夫妻一个孩子的政策还是强制性的，而且怀胎指标分配的做法在许多地方导致关系紧张。但有迹象表明，人们的态度正在发生变化。越来越多的夫妻生一个孩子已是自然的选择，而不是被迫的。一些专家预计，中国人口到二十一世纪达到高峰后就会下来。13 目前我国的在读博士生人数已经达到 1
